Missing places, reclaiming connection: what lockdown taught us about everyday spaces

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By Sinead Ryan, Prof. Danielle Sinnett, Dr Isabelle Bray, and Dr Yarden Woolf

During the UK’s Covid‑19 lockdowns, many aspects of everyday life were suddenly out of reach. People were separated from family and friends, routines were suspended, and familiar settings like pubs, workplaces, coastlines and swimming pools, became inaccessible. In an earlier analysis of a survey carried out in the West of England, we explored what people said they missed most during this time. Here, we take a different perspective by considering the importance of place in both what people missed and what they planned to do first once restrictions were lifted.

This reveals something important: people did not just miss activities or individuals in isolation. They missed places, and the ways those places enable social connection, physical activity and contact with nature. Lockdown disrupted not only movement, but the spatial conditions that support wellbeing in everyday life.

Missing people meant missing places

Across responses, social connection dominated what people missed most. Many spoke simply of “people”, “friends” or “family”. Yet these answers were often rooted in specific settings where relationships normally unfold, like visiting parents, socialising at work, meeting friends, or spending time with grandchildren. When asked what they would do first once lockdown ended, these same themes reappeared but now grounded in action and place. For some, this meant returning to family homes or hosting friends again. Others imagined familiar social spaces reopening. Typical answers included “Invite friends round” and “Go to the pub and meet friends”.

The responses show that places matter not because of what they provide materially, but because they are where every day social life happens. Homes, pubs, cafés and workplaces all function as social infrastructure, spaces where connection is created, maintained and renewed. Their closure represented more than inconvenience  – a loss of social possibility. Physical distancing removed access not only to people, but to spaces where we can connect with others, whether planned or incidentally.

Access to green and blue spaces represented freedom, restoration and reconnection for many respondents.

Places that structure activity and routine

Many respondents spoke about missing activities that take place in specific settings: swimming pools, places of worship, volunteer venues, support groups, sports facilities or classes such as dance and yoga. These were rarely described as isolated pursuits. Instead, they represented routines, shared practices and forms of purpose. Respondents wrote that what they missed most was “choir singing”, “meeting with friends at church” or “the social aspects of the office”. Pubs were missed for “seeing live music”, “eating out” and the “beer garden”.

What connects these responses is the role of place in enabling regular, meaningful activity. Lockdown removed access not just to leisure, but to rhythms of life that support physical health, social contact and identity, particularly for older adults. Within this, utility places featured more than might be expected – “getting prescriptions, “browsing shops”, “going to the hairdressers”. While these spaces rarely attract attention in discussions of wellbeing, their absence affected people’s sense of dignity, independence and normality. These answers remind us that everyday services are part of the spatial fabric that allows people to function confidently and autonomously.

Nature, movement and freedom

Nature and travel formed a third, closely related thread. Some respondents said they missed countryside walks, the beach, or simply going “down town”. When restrictions lifted, these were often the first places people wanted to go: “A walk in the countryside”, “Go to the coast” and “Go camping”. This aligns with the activities mentioned as the first thing that some of the respondents hoped to return to, such as swimming or surfing. Here, place appears not just as a destination, but as a form of release and a way of escaping confinement and reconnecting with wider landscapes. It seems that for many, access to green and blue spaces represented mental restoration, physical movement and a renewed sense of freedom.

Travel, whether local or further afield often meant visiting family, reaching valued outdoor spaces or regaining choice over movement (e.g. using public transport). For others, they had particular holiday destinations in mind, either in the UK or abroad.

A cautious return

Not everyone anticipated reopening with enthusiasm. A small but notable group expressed anxiety about restrictions lifting, saying they would remain cautious or delay returning to shared spaces. They said things like: “We won’t change much except meet friends at a distance” and “Will be too worried to do anything in close proximity to others”. These responses remind us that recovery was uneven. For some, places that once offered opportunities for socialising or restoration now carried risk. The meaning of place had shifted, shaped by health concerns and uncertainty.

Why this matters

Taken together, these findings show that lockdown disrupted more than activities, it disrupted access to the places that make social life, movement and restoration possible. What people missed most, and what they sought out first, were closely aligned. Both point to the same conclusion: places enable wellbeing through what they allow people to do.

Understanding this matters for future responses to social restriction, urban planning and public health. Protecting access to places that support connection, routine and nature may be just as important as restoring services. Lockdown made visible something often taken for granted, that everyday places quietly underpin how we live, relate and recover.

This work forms part of a wider collaboration between centres, drawing on a shared survey dataset also analysed in a companion blog by the Centre for Public Health and Wellbeing:  What people missed most during the UK Covid pandemic: A survey in the West of England | Centre for Public Health and Wellbeing

Feature image caption: Everyday places such as homes, doorways and gardens became improvised social spaces during lockdown, highlighting how strongly social life is tied to place.

Beyond the Pavement: Learning the Cumulative Power of Everyday Green Spaces

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Joseph Harbourd

As part of my MSc in Sustainable Development in Practice, I am undertaking an internship, and I have been fortunate to join the GP4Streets project, working alongside Danielle Sinnett, Owen Cranshaw and Issy Bray. This opportunity has allowed me to explore my passion for sustainability and deepen my interest in green infrastructure through hands-on experience and real-world impact. 

The project. GP4Streets is a ground breaking UKRI-funded initiative led by the University of Surrey’s GCARE and its partners; the University of Bath, UWE Bristol, the University of Sheffield, and Imperial College. It aims to rewrite the rules of urban resilience by showing that the frontline of climate adaptation is not always sprawling parks or greenfield sites. It can be right outside our front doors. Over the next 30 months, this project is turning overlooked streets into living experiments in sustainability and wellbeing. We are working with existing, planned and co-designed urban green infrastructure from rain gardens to green walls, with the help of local residents. All empowered by low-cost sensors and real-time monitoring. The aim? To coordinate climate action in densely built-up spaces in easily implemented DIY methods. These small-scale interventions can be practical, participatory, and deeply personal, not just for the environment but for the people who live and breathe these streets every day.

Auditing. One of the most eye-opening aspects of my internship with the GP4Streets project was conducting street-level audits to assess and record private green infrastructure across selected neighbourhoods. These audits were part of a broader effort to understand how residents’ front gardens will contribute to street-level climate resilience and wellbeing.

At first glance, these features may seem too small or inconsistent to matter, but when viewed collectively, they form a vital green network. My job was to walk the streets, systematically recording this often invisible but essential environmental infrastructure. Through the audits, I began to notice how even modest interventions, such as a planter box, a patch of permeable paving, or a hedge boundary, could serve as mini-climate solutions. These features help slow water runoff, reduce surface temperatures, and trap air pollutants while also promoting physical and mental wellness. Yet, they are rarely accounted for in formal urban planning or GI datasets. Teaching me that mapping what is not officially recognised is a powerful form of knowledge generation.

Left: Bedminster Green flower blossoming; Right: Planters Dean Lane, Southville

Auditing allowed me to develop a sharper observational eye and a better appreciation of the subjectivity involved in field data collection. Would a single window box count? What about artificial grass with permeable backing? These decisions sparked thoughtful discussions and made me consider how data is framed by human judgment. While no single green feature we audited could revolutionise a street, the cumulative effect was profound. We began to see patterns across socioeconomic and geographic lines: streets with older housing often had larger front gardens, while newer developments had just enough greenery to be considered aesthetically pleasing. This, along with 49% of private front gardens being sealed with concrete and asphalt, raised questions about equity and access in urban greening. Conducting street audits of private green spaces taught me to look at everyday urban landscapes in a different way. It was not just about gathering data; it was about understanding the quiet contributions that residents make to environmental sustainability and the systems that support or limit those efforts. This fieldwork deepened my appreciation for the hidden ecology of streets and the importance of integrating private space into public sustainability planning.

EURA 2025. I also attended the annual conference of the European Urban Research Association (EURA) held in Bristol on the 10th-13th of June 2025 during the internship. EURA 2025 brought together over 300 urban scholars from more than 30 countries to address the challenges of climate change, health inequities, digital transitions and inclusive governance in urban environments.

Bristol City Hall EURA 2025 reception. Civic Reception EURA 2025 (Photo: Stephen Hall)

The conference itself featured interdisciplinary session themes, ranging from Creating Healthy and Liveable Places to Smart City Governance. There were also mobile workshops that showcased real-world urban regeneration in Bristol, sparking engaging discussions about the sustainability of urban life.

Bristol harborside regeneration project mobile workshop

During the EURA 2025 conference, I supported the smooth running of presentations and helped guide attendees to their venues, small but essential tasks that gave me a unique behind-the-scenes perspective on how such a significant event operates. In addition to my duties, I had the opportunity to attend several thought-provoking sessions, including one on Mobility and Transport Justice. This seminar examined the challenges of creating truly inclusive cities where all residents can move freely and safely, not just for work but also for leisure and everyday life. It highlighted how mobility is deeply connected to equity, accessibility, and well-being.

Bristol City Hall EURA 2025 Queen Elizabeth II Conference Hall. Photo/Stephen Hall left. Photo/Elena Marco right

Another session on Smart Cities raised critical questions about safety, surveillance, and urban design. Discussions focused on the impact of hostile architecture, design elements intended to deter rough sleeping, and how such features often exclude vulnerable groups. The session challenged us to think about how we can design urban spaces that are both secure and welcoming, striking a balance between safety and dignity, inclusivity and peace.

Going forward. My internship with the GP4Streets project has been an eye-opening journey into urban sustainability’s complex, often overlooked dynamics. From auditing front gardens to participating in an international urban conference, I have gained practical research skills and a deeper understanding of how climate resilience, equity and everyday spaces intersect.

Whether it is a green roof on a residential street or a policy discussion on mobility justice, this experience has shown me that real change often begins at the local level, with people, places and conversations that challenge how we see and shape our cities.

As I continue my journey in sustainable development to write my dissertation on urban greenery’s impact on active travel and beyond, I carry forward a renewed sense of purpose: that even the smallest interventions can ripple outward, creating greener fairer urban futures.

Joseph Harbourd is a Master’s student studying on the MSc Sustainable Development in Practice.

Featured image at the start of the blog: to the left: Lockleaze regeneration project and to the right: Elderberry Walk Residential Project

Quality of life and access to green-blue-grey infrastructure in Bristol

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By Danielle Sinnett, Issy Bray, Harry West and Owain Hanmer

A recent study, using Bristol City Council’s Quality of Life data, has found that neighbourhood satisfaction, wellbeing and life satisfaction are all related to how satisfied residents are with their greenspaces.

Mental health, particularly for urban populations, is a growing public health concern. There is good evidence about the importance of green and blue infrastructure, including parks, street trees, rivers and other water features, for the wellbeing of urban residents. There is also emerging evidence about the benefits of certain ‘grey’ features, such as historic buildings and transport infrastructure, including active travel routes and public transport. Other features, such as proximity to heavily trafficked roads or derelict buildings, are associated with negative impacts. To date, these different forms of infrastructure have tended to be explored individually rather than looking at the complex interactions between them.

It is important to plan and develop towns and cities that maximise population wellbeing, and related health and social outcomes, at the same time as contributing to the sustainability agenda. Our increasingly urban economy has deepened inequalities, which we know to be a driver of poorer physical health, life satisfaction and other social outcomes. We also know that interventions that are accessible to everyone, like green-blue-grey infrastructure, are one of the most effective approaches to reducing inequalities.

Our approach

Our research used Bristol’s Quality of Life data as well as data on the green (e.g. proximity to parks, neighbourhood trees), blue (e.g. proximity to rivers) and grey (e.g. access to bus stops, density of listed buildings) infrastructure in the city to investigate relationships between green-blue-grey infrastructure and a range of health and social outcomes in neighbourhoods across Bristol.

The Bristol City Council Quality of Life survey has been running since 2001 and provides an annual snapshot of the quality of life across Bristol. The survey includes up to 190 indicators of quality of life and wellbeing of residents, and between 3,000 and 5,000 Bristol residents respond each year. Our project analysed anonymised data from 2011-2022 using geographical information systems and logistic regression models to explore the associations between green-blue-grey infrastructure and the following self-reported outcomes:

  • Neighbourhood Satisfaction
  • Life Satisfaction
  • Wellbeing (Short Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Wellbeing Scale)
  • General Health (self-reported over 12 months).

We took sociodemographic neighbourhood factors into account in the analysis. Importantly, the Quality of Life Survey also asks residents about their satisfaction with green-blue-grey infrastructure, including local greenspaces, bus services, leisure and cultural facilities. This meant that we could explore people’s perceptions of these features as well as their distance to people’s homes. This is useful as we know that sometimes people can feel that local facilities are not accessible to them even though they might be close to home.

Model for the relationship between green-blue-grey infrastructure, and general health and wellbeing.

Key findings

Interestingly, none of the measures of proximity to greenspace, rivers, amenities or neighbourhood levels of greenery were significantly related to the health-related outcomes we examined.

However, those who were more satisfied with their greenspaces were more likely to have greater levels of neighbourhood satisfaction, life satisfaction and wellbeing. It is difficult to tell how people interpret satisfaction with greenspace and it is likely that they are thinking about the availability of greenspaces within their neighbourhood, the city as a whole and the quality of those spaces. This is important as many studies only explore proximity and often fail to find a relationship, whereas examining how people perceive their greenspaces might be a better measure.

Similarly, in terms of grey infrastructure, residents who were more satisfied with their local amenities were also more likely to be satisfied with their neighbourhoods and have greater life satisfaction. Specifically, satisfaction with museums was related to both these outcomes and satisfaction with leisure centres, bus services and libraries was related to neighbourhood satisfaction.

Those who felt a greater sense of belonging in their neighbourhood, and those who were more satisfied with the safety and noise levels in their neighbourhood, and neighbourhood noise were also more likely to have greater neighbourhood and life satisfaction. Levels of street litter were also related to neighbourhood satisfaction.

Some unexpected findings were that those who lived further away from outdoor leisure centres were more satisfied with their neighbourhoods, and those in neighbourhoods with less garden coverage had greater life satisfaction and those further from a train station had greater wellbeing. We think this may be due to differences between more urban and suburban neighbourhoods that tend to have worse access to other amenities. Similarly, those who lived closer to a bus stop had lower life satisfaction, which could be due to heavily trafficked nature of the main roads in the city, which tend to also be the major bus routes (i.e. this is actually measuring dissatisfaction with living close to busy roads).

We did not find a relationship between any of the green-blue-grey infrastructure factors we explored and general health, which was very strongly associated with socioeconomic factors.

Summary of findings

Conclusions

Satisfaction with greenspace was the most consistent predictor of the wellbeing outcomes we considered. There was notable variation across the city, for example, neighbourhoods in South Bristol have similar levels of greenspace access and greenery as those in North Bristol, but greenspace satisfaction in these areas is much lower. This emphasises the importance of the quality of greenspace, and other improvements to neighbourhood infrastructure, for example, to enable people to visit their greenspaces.

Further information

We have produced a Story Map where you can explore some of the data: https://arcg.is/08WSir

And an animation: https://youtu.be/4TueNcibsmM

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